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"New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 Who Began the War, and Why?"

The
disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets
respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement
to co-operate in war.
You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave
reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might
become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon
the armed assistance of the other.
I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an
unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened
the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other
whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression
and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be
prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the
plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into
consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect
should be given to them. Yours, &c.,
E. GREY.

* * * * *

M. PAUL CAMBON TO SIR EDWARD GREY.

London, Nov. 23, 1912.
Dear Sir Edward: You reminded me in your letter of yesterday, 22d
November, that during the last few years the military and naval
authorities of France and Great Britain had consulted with each
other from time to time; that it had always been understood that
these consultations should not restrict the liberty of either
Government to decide in the future whether they should lend each
other the support of their armed forces; that, on either side,
these consultations between experts were not and should not be
considered as engagements binding our Governments to take action in
certain eventualities; that, however, I had remarked to you that,
if one or other of the two Governments had grave reasons to fear an
unprovoked attack on the part of a third power, it would become
essential to know whether it could count on the armed support of
the other.


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